Vandita Mishra writes: When the Opposition refuses to hold

The fact that the Congress, a piece in the center of the INDIA bloc, is still very thin and weak despite expanding the Lok Sabha by 99 seats, makes it unable to play the role of negotiator and chief navigator. It also contributes to making the coalition look less than unified, and more vulnerable to being swayed by the short-term calculations of its individual parts.

But whatever the reason, the apparent inability of the INDIA bloc to continue after the Lok Sabha elections in some tangible way or form has long-term costs. It reinforces the depressing message of democracy – of the lack of an alternative to the ruling party. Although the BJP is working towards its goal with purpose, whether it wins or loses the election – after defeat, it is quick to pick up the pieces – its political opponents seem always inclined to abandon and lose sight of what unites them, and/or define their unity too little.

So, at the national level, the collapse of the Indian bloc plays well in the BJP’s script – the BJP has been accusing it of being an opportunistic platform, only united by the wrong agenda of defeating the BJP. It suits the BJP that its opponents should be different regional parties in different states, and that there should be only a temporary national enemy – its national programs and ambitious projects run free if their opponents are very small platforms with an agenda. of limited scope and breadth.

If the BJP looks restless and careless, not humbled, despite its setback in the Lok Sabha elections where voters denied it a majority, then, it is not just because of its victories in Haryana and Maharashtra. And it is because even in the midst of elections, the INDIA block does not give its money well.

The lack of a coherent and meaningful Opposition that can keep the BJP on its toes is evident in many ways, across politics. It allows the BJP, for example, to continue ruling its coalition government as if it were led by a single party with a majority. It is no coincidence that the current electoral system, where the BJP is dependent on the TDP and JD(U) to make the majority mark, does not have a forum for a coordination center or allies to air their concerns or grievances.

Even within the BJP, priorities have not changed, despite its apparent condemnation of the LS decision. As the report in this paper has revealed, the centralization of decision-making continues unchecked, affecting internal team processes and systems. More than six months after the formation of the 18th Lok Sabha, the BJP Parliamentary Party, which was once a lively platform, did not meet. Meetings of the BJP’s parliamentary board, the main decision-making body, have become much smaller. This means that the chief ministers in the provinces are chosen by the top leadership in a stealthy manner, which surprises the whole party. For the Delhi elections, the first list of 29 names was finalized without a meeting of the party’s Central Election Committee.

In its third term, the Modi government continues to evade questions and bypass institutions. Towards the end of the week, PM Modi’s first podcast interview came, with businessman and investor Nikhil Kamath. Kamath did not hide the fact that he was not a journalist, his interview mainly consisted of asking the Prime Minister to give advice on how to become a politician to budding businessmen who make up the bulk of his audience.

That, in his third term, the PM chose to speak, for more than two hours, on topics ranging from the loss of a parent to the difference between speaking and communicating and his views on social responsibility, in a less focused show that allowed him for a long time. selfie, while he stays away from the Parliament and the press conferences of the institution, and it is because he knows that there will be no punishments. It is another indication of how unfocused and unaccountable he feels, in the absence of a vigilant and united opposition, he feels.

Until next week,

Vandita